The aim of this literature review is to establish hat relevant work has already been completed in the field. In particular I am keen to demonstrate in this appendix that this thesis is based upon a thorough understanding of the field, and I am keen to establish where this thesis stands in relation to this previously published work.

An Introduction to the study of youth

Whilst concern over the relationship between young people and new cultural forms was aired as early as Plato’s proposed ban on dramatic poets within his ideal republic (see Buckingham, 1987, p.2), modern categorisations of youth date back to the period of rapid industrialisation of the mid 19th century. Hebdige describes this period as one of "haphazard urbanisation, child factory labour and the physical and cultural separation of the classes into two separate ‘nations’", suggesting that this created "a new social problem: the unsupervised, heathen working-class juvenile" (Hebdige, 1988, p.20). In the cultural texts of the late 19th century, documented in Geoffrey Pearson’s Hooligans: A History of Respectable Fears (1983), working-class urban juveniles were seen as having a culture of their own, a subculture based around delinquency and criminality¹. Furthermore, the creation of separate educational and punitive institutions for delinquent urban youth was perceived to have deepened the divide between youth culture and ‘adult’ culture.

Youth as a category for scholarly analysis dates back to the 1920s, and in particular to the analyses of the Department of Sociology and Anthropology at the University of Chicago, and functionalist anomie theory (see Brake, 1985, pp.34-53, S. Cohen, 1980, p.iii, and Thornton, 1997b). This work posited a direct correlation between social deprivation and delinquency, and tied this equation to a general theory which suggested that ‘youth’ was a specific period of psychological development within the life span of an individual. Hebdige sees this work as laying down the basic tenets of enquiry within the study of youth throughout the 20th century, with academics examining "the link between deprivation and juvenile crime... [and] the distinctive forms of juvenile youth culture, the gang, the deviant subculture" (Hebdige, 1988, p.27). Here Hebdige makes the point that, from this point onwards, academia has traditionally analysed youth culture as a social problem.

This is certainly the case with the work of Frederick Thrasher, who argued in the 1920s that family life was breaking down, and that the latest generation of young people were becoming disaffected with the educational structures in which they spent a great deal of their time, creating a "culture through alienation" (Thrasher, 1927, p.3). The result of this process was, according to Thrasher, that "adolescents live in a world which is isolated from that of adults..., they think of themselves as belonging to a ‘we-group’ as opposed to adult groups" (in Reuter, 1936, p.83).

Throughout the 1940s and 1950s this remained the dominant view within academia. For example in 1949 Talcott Parsons suggests that the ‘we-group’ of young people was a culture in itself, where there was a "compulsive conformity within the peer group of age mates" (Parson, 1949, pp.342-3).
 

Writing in the early 1960s, James Coleman describes Parsons’ work as "an early statement of the general problem" (Coleman, 1962, p.5), and continued with a functional line of enquiry by suggesting that the school pupil

Youth culture and contemporary cultural studies

In the main body of this thesis I use the phrase ‘contemporary cultural studies’. Here I am referring primarily to studies of youth culture completed at the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies (CCCS) at the University of Birmingham in the 1970s, and, secondarily, to work completed in Cultural Studies departments in Higher Education institutions that can be traced back to that ‘theoretical moment’. Now is not the time for a historical appraisal of the entire works of ‘the Centre’, but there are some texts that are directly relevant to my thesis that require some elucidation.

The first significant piece of work on the study of youth culture within the field of contemporary cultural studies was Phil Cohen’s essay ‘Subcultural Conflict and Working-class Community’ (P. Cohen, 1972), which the CCCS ‘appropriated’ for their ‘Working Papers in Cultural Studies’ series. Within this essay Cohen outlines the dominant concerns of youth cultural study, suggesting that, in particular, the role of ‘youth subcultures’ is

John Clarke’s essay ‘Skinheads and Youth Culture’ (Clarke, 1973), which also appears in an abbreviated form in Hall and Jefferson’s Resistance Through Rituals (Hall and Jefferson, eds., 1975, see below) contains an early analysis of the relationship between working-class culture and a specific youth ‘subculture’. In particular Clarke’s work examines issues of territory and ‘the magical recovery of community’. Within this thesis I hope to show how the geographies of youth culture in the 1990s are different from the localised, almost gang-like structures of the 1970s.

The ‘CCCS approach’ to the study of youth cultures is most rigorously defined in the seminal collection edited by Stuart Hall and Tony Jefferson entitled Resistance Through Rituals: Youth subcultures in post-war Britain (Hall and Jefferson, eds., 1975). Work contained within Resistance Through Rituals initially appeared in issue 7/8 of the CCCS journal Working Papers in Cultural Studies.

The first section of Resistance Through Rituals contains John Clarke, Stuart Hall, Tony Jefferson and Brian Roberts’ exposition of key terms and field of enquiry. Here Clarke et al define ‘youth culture’ as "the ‘cultural’ aspects of youth" (Clarke et al, 1975, p.10), and ‘culture’ as

Clarke et al’s essay draws upon some of the classic texts and quotations of Marxism that also feature in this thesis, in particular Marx’s suggestion that "men make their own history, but they do not make it just as they please; they do not make it under circumstances chosen by themselves, but under circumstances directly encountered, given and transmitted from the past" (Marx, 1967, p.10). I return to this quotation on more than one occasion in the main body of this thesis.

Where this thesis differs from Clarke et al’s exposition is in their rigid adherence to Marx’s stipulation in The German Ideology that "the class which has the mean of material production at its disposal, has control, at the same time, over the means of mental production, so that, thereby, generally speaking, the ideas of those who lack the means of mental production are subject to it" (Marx, 1970, p.64). In their adherence to this principle lies a ‘class determinism’ on the part of Clarke et al where "sub-cultures are sub-sets - smaller, more localised and differentiated structures, within one or other of the larger cultural networks [i.e. one or other of the larger classes]" Clarke et al, 1975, p.13). The larger class that is of interest to Clarke et al is, of course, the working class, which is termed the "parent class" for the youth subcultures under study within their essay, and under study elsewhere in Resistance Through Rituals. Subcultural attitudes and beliefs are seen to be almost directly determined by the relationship between subculture and working-class parent culture.

Whilst Hall and Jefferson’s collection is particularly interested in the relationships between working-class youth culture and its parent culture ("Sub-cultures, then, must first be related to the ‘parent cultures’ of which they are a sub-set", Clarke et al, 1975, p.13), this thesis is more concerned with an examination of the relationship between a specific youth culture (which I term contemporary dance culture) and what Clarke et al term "dominant culture". According to Clarke et al "sub-cultures must also be analysed in terms of their relation to the dominant culture - the overall disposition of cultural power in the society as a whole" (p.13). This is the basis for my suggestion that this thesis is an original and substantial contribution to knowledge. Contemporary dance culture is different from the youth cultures analysed in Resistance Through Rituals. Some of the theoretical techniques outlined in Resistance Through Rituals are of use for my analysis, and some are not. As we shall shortly see in this Literature Review there has been a successful attempt, by Sarah Thornton, to analyse relations within dance culture, but there has yet to be a full account of relations between dance culture and the rest of society. This is part of the role of this thesis.

The rest of Resistance Through Rituals is split into three sections. The first section contains the results of ethnographic research on specific subcultures and specific cultural practices. This is of direct relevance to this thesis, in that the final two chapters contain an investigation into ethnographic methodology to see if an analysis of methodology, and the use of research techniques derived from ethnography, can help us to understand the relationship between contemporary dance culture and its televisual representations. The ethnographic work completed at the CCCS is often regarded as its most important and influential legacy to the study of youth culture (and the study of culture in general⁴), and I hope that this thesis is seen as continuing in this tradition.

Dick Hebdige’s essay ‘The Meaning of Mod’ (Hebdige, 1975) looks at how those involved in Mod culture (arguably an early prototype for contemporary dance culture) ‘appropriated’ certain consumer commodities, and "incorporating them in ways which expressed sub-cultural rather than dominant values" (p.87). Again, there is a parallel process visible within this thesis, with, for example, chapter 6 showing how two dance culture participants ‘appropriate’ the television text BPM for their own purposes; turning the sound down, playing tapes ‘over the top’ of the visual image, and merely allowing the television programme to provide a visual accompaniment to their late-night activities.

Elsewhere in the ethnography section of Resistance Through Rituals is an extract from Paul Corrigan’s PhD work, completed under the supervision of Stanley Cohen, on Sunderland street-corner culture (Corrigan, 1975). Of particular interest to this thesis is Corrigan’s analysis of "doing nothing" (Corrigan, 1975, also see Corrigan 1979, pp.119-141). In chapter 5 I will examine the concept of "chilling out", showing how youthful relaxation is positioned as deviant by common-sense discourse, and showing how young people wilfully and mischievously play with the demonisation of their leisure pursuits.

The next essay in Resistance Through Rituals, Paul Willis’s ‘The Cultural Meaning of Drug Use’ (Willis, 1975), is, again, of direct interest to this thesis. Here Willis outlines his PhD work where he examines the relationship between drug usage and two specific youth subcultures. In particular Willis argues that

Elsewhere in Resistance Through Rituals, but only of peripheral interest to this thesis is Iain Chambers’ semiotic analysis of black music, and Angela McRobbie and Jenny Garber’s analysis of ‘Girls and Subcultures’ (McRobbie and Garber, 1975), where McRobbie and Garber criticise the marginalisation of female youth culture within subcultural theory, a marginality that I hope to at least partially rectify within this thesis.

Also of direct relevance to this thesis is the final ‘theory’ essay in Resistance through Rituals, Paul Corrigan and Simon Frith’s ‘The Politics of Youth Culture’ (Corrigan and Frith, 1975). Here Corrigan and Frith outline some of the problems with Marxist analyses of youth culture, and this work is of direct relevance to chapter 2 of this thesis. In particular Corrigan and Frith argue that sociologists view young people as inherently problematic, where "youth culture has only negative political implications: delinquents are incorporated kids with problems, normal kids are, presumably, incorporated kids without problems" (p.232). Chapter 2 addresses this discourse of ‘youth as problem’, identifying two separate discourses of ‘youth as folk rebel’ and ‘youth as consumer’ showing how, even in the tradition to which Resistance Through Rituals belongs, sociology has always viewed youth culture as inherently apolitical⁵.

Another key youth cultural text is the edited collection entitled Working Class Youth Culture (Mungham and Pearson, eds., 1976). In particular, John Clarke and Tony Jefferson’s opening essay represents a seminal discussion of youth culture that is of direct relevance to this thesis. Within this essay Clarke and Jefferson outline their position on youth culture as a whole, whilst also examining skinhead and mod subcultures. Here Clarke and Jefferson contextualise the rise of youth culture in the hegemonic struggle between capital and labour in Britain the late 1950s. In particular Clarke and Jefferson provide a useful examination of social structure, a brief description of which will help the reader of this thesis to understand the difference between youth culture and society at large;

Also in Working Class Youth Cultures Graham Murdock and Robin McCron, both at the time based at the CCCS’s main ‘rival’, the Centre for Mass Communication Research at the University of Leicester, put forward their critique of youth cultural study, suggesting that

Elsewhere in Working Class Youth Cultures are various ethnographies, a case study of racist violence in Lancashire, and an analysis of skinheads and Glam Rock. Of more importance however is one of the first academic analyses of dance culture, the essay ‘Youth in Pursuit of Itself’ by Geoff Mungham (1976). Within this essay Mungham analyses what he terms "the mass dance", the early-1970s’ dance halls run by the Mecca Group and the Rank Organisation. Much of contemporary dance culture is a direct reaction against the culture that Mungham describes, and, despite subsequent criticisms of Mungham’s work (see Thornton 1995, pp.93-94), this essay represents a good description of pre-acid, pre-1980s dance clubs. To understand acid house and subsequent dance cultures it is essential to understand this culture, so Mungham’s essay is highly recommended.

Like Mungham’s essay, David Robins and Philip Cohen’s Knuckle Sandwich (1978) is of interest to us in that it explores notions of youth territory in its narrative based around the formation of a youth disco in two London council estates in 1973. Whilst the ages of Robins and Cohen’s youths are in general, lower than those involved in the contemporary dance culture of today, the story of the Black Horse Disco is instructive in its detailing of why young people enjoy dancing, and the kind of gender relationships and social attitudes of 1970s’ dance floors that contemporary dance culture ‘reacts’ against. Robins and Cohen also talk of the ‘territoriality’ of young people, and this is of direct relevance to this thesis. Contemporary dance culture talks of the dance floor as its territory, but, as in the situation described by Robins and Cohen,

Whilst not a postgraduate or member of staff at the CCCS, Stanley Cohen’s much cited book (originally published in 1972) Folk Devils and Moral Panics: The Creation of the Mods and Rockers (S. Cohen, 1980) can nevertheless be seen to be part of the CCCS tradition (Cohen himself makes the connection explicit eight years after its first publication in the introduction to the 1980 edition of the book⁶). Although he rejects the implicit suggestion that he might have ‘discovered’ "an inexorable inner logic" (S. Cohen, 1980, p.i) to the generation of moral panics, Cohen’s work is still of methodological interest in its examination of the way in which the adherents to two specific youth styles became ‘folk devils’ through their treatment by the mass media. As we shall see below, Steve Redhead’s analysis of the early days of acid house, and Sarah Thornton’s analysis of the formations of contemporary dance culture, make the point that there is nothing more enticing to British youth than a mass media-determined ‘moral panic’. This has resonance at various points in this thesis.

Dick Hebdige’s Subculture: The Meaning of Style (Hebdige, 1979) and Hiding in the Light: on images and things (Hebdige, 1988) can be seen as texts of transformation between the ‘subculturalist’ approach of contemporary cultural studies and what might be termed the ‘post-subculturalist’ work connected with the Institute for Popular Culture at Manchester Metropolitan University (see below). In particular Hebdige’s Subculture book can be seen as move away from the ‘culturalist’ emphasis of much of the CCCS work (which started with the ‘fathers’ of British culturalism, Richard Hoggart, E. P. Thompson and Raymond Williams, and continued with CCCS ethnographers such as Paul Willis) towards a European-influenced structuralist textualism⁷. With Hebdige using Saussurian and Barthesian semiotics in his analysis of punk style, Subculture can also be seen to be moving away from ‘grand narratives’ that related youth culture to socio-economic position and class, towards an analysis of micro-narratives, an analysis of specific cultural texts. The relevance to this thesis is in my attempts to explain how and why contemporary dance culture has become the most significant youth cultural development since punk, whilst also paying particular attention to individual biographies, and individual, local scenes.

Hebdige can also be used to combat the accusation of "compulsive conformity" within youth style (for example see Parsons, 1949, pp.342-3), and can be used in the study of contemporary dance culture to show the micro-tribal, rather than macro-class, nature of much of contemporary dance culture. This notion of ‘micro-culture’ is employed in chapter 4, but in the meantime it is worth noting that I am suggesting that there has been a move away from the unified ‘spectacular’ subcultures of the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s, towards what might be termed a ‘compulsive disconformity’. Subculture is also of relevance to this thesis in its use of the notion of homology, with Hebdige analysing the structural fit between punk fashion, music and belief.

The work of Simon Frith is also of relevance to this thesis. In The Sociology of Rock Frith examines the relationship between commercial teenage culture and young people (Frith, 1978). Here we see a move away from the notion of resistance, and a revival of an approach to the study of youth that originated with Mark Abrams’ classic study of teenage spending patterns The Teenage Consumer (Abrams, 1959). In particular Frith’s work shows how we can examine the relationships between meanings found in the content and form of popular music, and specific socio-economic sub-groups. The relationship between the discourse of resistance (which I term "youth as folk rebels") and the discourse of "youth as consumer" is explored in chapter 2 of this thesis, and elsewhere I show how contemporary dance culture is neither entirely resistive nor purely conformist, but occupies a variety of points on a sliding scale between these two mythical binary opposites.

Angela McRobbie’s writings on female youth culture should also be viewed as a product of the ‘Birmingham School’, in particular her essay entitled ‘The Culture of Working Class Girls’, found in the edited collection Feminism and Youth Culture (McRobbie, ed., 1991). However it should be noted that much of McRobbie’s work, particularly the essay entitled ‘Settling Accounts with Subcultures’ (McRobbie, 1980) and the collection of essays edited by McRobbie and Mica Nava entitled Gender and Generation (McRobbie and Nava, eds., 1984), is a critique (albeit from the ‘inside’) of the foci of contemporary cultural studies. This critique is re-appraised within chapter 2 of this thesis.

McRobbie’s 1994 collection entitled Postmodernism and Popular Culture (McRobbie, 1994a) contains McRobbie’s most recent work on youth culture. There are three chapters within this anthology that are of direct relevance to this thesis. Firstly ‘Shut Up and Dance: Youth Culture and Changing Modes of Femininity’, published a year earlier in the journal Cultural Studies (McRobbie, 1993), contains a useful analysis of the change in gender relations inherent within dance culture in the mid 1990s. Here McRobbie talks of ‘rave’ as legitimating

The next chapter in Postmodernism and Popular Culture, entitled ‘Different, Youthful, Subjectivities: Towards a Cultural Sociology of Youth’ (McRobbie, 1994c), examines the legacy of contemporary cultural studies, and points towards "a rejection of the primacy of the youth and social class couplet which had underpinned the development of ‘subcultural theory’" (McRobbie, 1994c, p.181). This rejection of the primacy of class-based analyses of contemporary cultural studies is examined in depth in chapter 2, where I discuss the reasons for contemporary cultural studies’ failure to analyse the youth cultures of the 1980s and 1990s.

The final chapter in Postmodernism and Popular Culture, entitled ‘The Moral Panic in the Age of the Postmodern Mass Media’ (McRobbie, 1994), is of relevance to this thesis in that it re-appraises the work of, in particular, Stanley Cohen and Jock Young. Issues around moral panics, deviance, and law and order are dealt with in chapters 1 and 5 of this thesis, whilst the influence of Stanley Cohen on the study of youth is re-examined in chapter 2.

Other essays and books by a variety of writers offer useful and interesting surveys of youth cultural theory and its historical context, but break no new ground. In particular Mike Brake’s The Sociology of Youth Culture and Youth Subcultures (Brake, 1980) offers us a useful reading of CCCS theory, whilst the extended second edition of the book, entitled Comparative Youth Culture. The Sociology of Youth Cultures and Youth Subcultures in America, Britain and Canada offers, as the title suggests, some useful comparative material. Tony Bennett’s essay ‘Popular culture and hegemony in post-war Britain’ (Bennett, 1982) and John Muncie’s essay ‘Pop culture, pop music and post-war youth: subcultures’ (Muncie, 1982), both found in the course booklets of the Open University’s "U203 Popular Culture" course, provide a useful overview of the social context of contemporary cultural studies’ analyses of youth.

Post-Birmingham: Youth Cultural Studies in the 1980s and 1990s

As will be suggested later, the 1980s were a lean time for academic analyses of youth culture⁸. Other than sporadic essays, there were no major revisions, adaptations or critiques of the contemporary cultural studies’ approach. Chapter 2 examines why this was the case, and I put forward the proposal that this was not because of the success of the CCCS’s totalising perspective, but was due to its inherent failures.

Barring the occasional whisper, the silence was broken by Steve Redhead in his book entitled The end-of-the-century party: youth and pop toward 2000 (Redhead, 1990). Redhead starts from the premise that "the discourse and practices which constructed and positioned youth culture historically after the Second World War are now undergoing profound transformation" (Redhead, 1990, p.9). Here Redhead breaks from the tradition that sees youth culture as determined by socio-economic and class positions, towards an analysis whereby youth culture is seen to be determined by almost free-floating discourses;

Redhead’s book, in its rejection of subcultural theory, could be seen to discard much that is of use within contemporary cultural studies. Within this thesis my reassertion of homology theory in chapter 4 shows that there is much of methodological use in the work published at Birmingham. My ethnography-inspired work in chapters 5 and 6 are based upon the detailed examination of specific micro-cultures, where Redhead’s The end-of-the-century party seems to deal predominantly with ‘global’ pop and rock cultures. Chapter 4 also examines discourses that Redhead only hints at ("‘youth television’, for example, is fast becoming the new international pop style created by television and advertising discourses" Redhead, 1990, p.9).

Throughout this thesis there are elements of Redhead’s work that I acknowledge and employ. This is particularly noticeable when I engage with the collection edited by Redhead entitled Rave Off: Politics and Deviance in Contemporary Youth Culture (Redhead, 1993a). The collection starts with Redhead’s own analysis of the developing moral panic surrounding the seemingly irresistible rise in Ecstasy consumption in the late 1980s (Redhead, 1993c). This thesis, at points, continues the tale. However there is little in Redhead’s analysis that attempts to explain why Ecstasy consumption has expanded so massively in recent years (other than the suggestion that it is an almost entirely media-inspired moral panic that encourages, rather than discourages, deviancy). In chapter 1 I analyse the qualities that Ecstasy offers, and in chapter 4 I show how Ecstasy consumption is directly related to both the form of contemporary dance music, and the social consciousness of young people.

Elsewhere in Rave Off Antonio Melechi outlines a hypothesis based around the title of his essay ‘The Ecstasy of Disappearance’ (Melechi, 1993). Tracing the origins of contemporary dance culture back to the Balearic island of Ibiza in the mid 1980s, Melechi employs Baudrillardian theories of loss and disappearance to the study of the dance floor. Within this thesis I engage with the idea of ‘disappearance’, suggesting that it is a way of avoiding the gaze of legal authorities and officialdom (whereas Melechi’s analysis is more to do with the dissolution of the male gaze).

Like Melechi, Hillegonda Rietveld’s essay in Rave Off entitled ‘Living the Dream’ (Rietveld, 1993) also proposes a ‘disappearance’ thesis. In particular Rietveld attacks the notion that contemporary dance culture might form part of a political critique, suggesting that rave merely signified

The other chapters in Rave Off are of less significance to this thesis than those written by Redhead, Melechi and Rietveld, although Kristian Russell’s ‘Lysergia Suburbia’ is of some interest in that it looks at the extent to which acid house and rave cultures are influenced by a discourse of ‘psychedelia’, whilst also examining the effects of Ecstasy consumption on dance culture (an area I cover in depth in chapters 4, 5 and 6).

Redhead’s next book, published two years after Rave Off, is his Unpopular Cultures: The birth of law and popular culture (Redhead, 1995). Within this volume Redhead excavates various elements of critical theory in order to examine the relationships between legal discourse and popular culture. Within this book Redhead also re-explores many of the concerns central to his The end-of-the-century party text, in particular a shift from a linear teleology within the analysis of the development of youth cultures to a narrative of circularity where ‘it all comes round again" (Redhead, 1990, p.27)⁹. Of specific relevance to this thesis is Redhead’s second chapter, which deals with "the minutae" of CCCS theory, and its relation to deviancy theory and criminology. Redhead also briefly deals with the relationship between the digital composition practice known as ‘sampling’ and the law (Redhead, 1995, pp.55-7), and issues concerning the creative use of sampling are dealt with in chapter 4 of this thesis.

The fourth book involving Redhead that has a relevance for this thesis is the collection of essays edited by Redhead with Derek Wynne and Justin O’Connor entitled The Club Cultures Reader: Readings in Popular Cultural Studies (Redhead et al, 1997)¹⁰. The opening chapter, written by Simon Frith and Jon Savage entitled ‘Pearls and Swine: Intellectuals and the Mass Media’ (Frith and Savage, 1997), is an analysis of ‘cultural populism’ and the development of a discourse within cultural studies that sought to celebrate certain elements of contemporary popular culture in an uncritical manner. What Frith and Savage have to say is of significance to this thesis in my attempt, throughout all chapters, to validate contemporary dance music as a musical form of inherent worth, and eminently worthy of study, without lapsing into uncritical celebration. Frith and Savage would appear to agree that such a process is possible; "dance acts like Orbital or Derrick May draw a more accurate map of the 1992 body, its formation in and by the contemporary experience of desire and space - than any ‘fine’ artist we can think of" (Frith and Savage, 1997, p.15). Within this thesis I hope to validate the texts of contemporary dance culture in a suitably scholarly manner.

The next essay in The Clubcultures Reader is Beverly Best’s ‘Over-the-counter-culture: Retheorizing Resistance in Popular Culture’ (Best, 1997). Within this essay Best is concerned with charting a course between the cultural pessimism of post-Frankfurt School cultural analyses, and the cultural populism of the likes of John Fiske. Again, there is a direct relevance to this thesis. In chapter 4 I try to envisage what Theodor Adorno (a prominent Frankfurt School theorist) might have made of the form of contemporary dance music, whilst in chapters 4 and 5 I criticise the ‘new populism’ of John Fiske. Throughout this thesis I attempt to avoid both pessimistic and populist discourses. Chapters 1 and 2 deal with the notion of resistance and opposition with regard to the study of contemporary dance culture. Whilst my work in chapters 1 and 2 is, at points, informed by Best’s analysis, it also goes beyond it, looking at specific phenomena within dance culture and placing these phenomena within the context of both sociological theory, and socio-economic reality. Best writes of "the negotiated and contextually specific nature of many oppositional relationships" (Best, 1997, p.24). In chapter 1 I provide an analysis of context, whilst also describing the precise relationship of dance culture’s ‘oppositional relationship’ to the state and to common-sense discourse.

The next chapter in The Clubcultures Reader is Chris Stanley’s ‘Not Drowning but Waving: Urban Dissent in the Wild Zone’ (Stanley, 1997, p.36). In chapter 4 I examine whether the contemporary dance floor can be considered a ‘relatively autonomous zone’, adapting the language of Hakim Bey, but giving it a distinctly Althusserian flavour (see Bey, 1985 and Althusser, 1971). In particular my Bakhtinian analysis of contemporary dance culture, also found in chapter 4, is related to Stanley’s suggestion that "the rave party, in which music is the determining element, appropriates and inverts that which is offered ‘officially’" (Stanley, 1997, p.50). Where my analysis differs from Stanley’s is in my insistence that my analysis be grounded in a materialism, whereas the analysis of Stanley is reliant on the conventionalist theories of Baudrillard and Foucault.

Other relevant chapters in The Clubcultures Reader include Simon Reynold’s ‘Rave Culture: Living Dream or Living Death?’ (Reynolds, 1997, p.102), which analyses, amongst other things, the relationship between recreational drug use and musical form. In chapter 4 of this thesis I use the work of Lucien Goldmann to present a similar, but more ‘grounded’ and materialist analysis, of the relationships between drug use and dance music. Like Hillegonda Rietveld in Rave Off, Reynolds also analyses contemporary rave culture in Freudian terms, talking of "pre-Oedipal infancy" and "a ‘regression’ to the polymorphous ‘body without organs’ of infancy" (Reynolds, 1997, p.107). This is an analysis that I extend in chapter 4, with my analysis of the relationship between a Barthesian jouissance, Ecstasy and contemporary dance culture.

The rest of The Clubcultures Reader contains material not directly relevant to this thesis, although some chapters would be of interest to the ‘lay reader’, in particular Hillegonda Rietveld’s archaeology of house music in ‘The House Sound of Chicago’ (Rietveld, 1997), and Dave Haslam’s analysis of ‘DJ Culture’ (Haslam, 1997).

In general, whilst this thesis starts from the same position as Redhead did in 1990 (my thesis is an analysis "of the development of what, since 1987, has been described as ‘acid house’ or ‘rave’ culture. These changes in youth culture are by no means representative of the whole of contemporary youth culture but they are at the cutting edge of ‘politics and deviance’" Redhead, 1993b, p.5), I take issue with Redhead and his colleagues on a number of key matters, and I analyse areas of contemporary dance culture (such as its relationship with the television industry) unexplored by Redhead et al. Herein lies the originality of this thesis.

Working almost in parallel to ‘the Manchester School’ is Sarah Thornton. Thornton’s Club Cultures: Music, Media and Subcultural Capital (Thornton, 1995) is probably the most important and influential academic text concerning dance culture, and a detailed exposition of its central theses is required at this stage (particularly as I provide a critique of many of the key assumptions made by Thornton in this thesis).

The central thesis of Thornton’s work is that "club cultures are taste cultures... Club cultures are riddled with cultural hierarchies" (Thornton, 1995, p.3). Having stated this Thornton goes on to suggest that her intention is to expose "three principal, overarching distinctions which can be briefly designated as: the authentic versus the phoney, the ‘hip’ versus the ‘mainstream’, and the ‘underground’ versus ‘the media’" (Thornton, 1995, p.4).

Of less interest to us is the first discourse. I have no intention of using notions of authenticity or inauthenticity within my thesis. There are some elements of Thornton’s analysis in this area that I will criticise, however I do broadly concur with Thornton’s historical analysis of the shift in dance culture from live performances to "disc culture".

However, crucial to the position of this thesis within the academic field, is Thornton’s exposition of two other discourses. The second discourse that Thornton exposes is contemporary dance culture’s invocation of ‘the mainstream’, suggesting that when invoked ‘the mainstream’ invariably refers to

The third "subcultural discourse" outlined by Thornton is dance culture’s belief that it is a "renegade culture...opposed to, and continually in flight from, the colonizing co-opting media" (Thornton, 1995, p.6). In particular Thornton highlights the key roles played by "micro-media" and "niche-media", suggesting that exposure in these media forms is positively welcomed by dance culture. Within this thesis I agree that this is the case, but I also point out that Thornton’s own position is naïve in its suggestion that mass media institutions such as television do not attempt to co-opt and use for financial gain subcultural phenomena such as contemporary dance culture. Within this thesis I hope to highlight the difference between what Thornton terms "micro-media", and global media institutions such as the television industry.

Throughout Club Cultures Thornton continually opposes any suggestion that dance culture is a political culture. I intend to counter this notion, and this is one of the big differences between my study and the work of Thornton. This is not to suggest that, in using the subcultural categories of ‘the mainstream’ and ‘the underground’, I intend to treat "the discourses of dance culture..., as [an] innocent account... of the way things really are" (Thornton, 1995, p.10). My suggestion is that, in the provision of a critique of CCCS notions of oppositionality, deviance and resistance, Thornton has swung the pendulum in the opposite direction, and, as a consequence, her analysis is simplistic in its suggestion that contemporary dance culture is entirely apolitical and purely consumerist (albeit beneath a veneer of politicisation and anti-consumerism that Thornton believes is entirely discursive). I do not intend to "over-politicize" dance culture, however I certainly intend to show how it has become politicised.

Thornton’s second publication in the field is the book that she edited with Ken Gelder entitled The Subcultures Reader (Gelder and Thornton, 1997). Whilst this book is a collection of previously published essays, it nevertheless offers a good introduction to the field of youth cultural study, in particular pre-CCCS and non-CCCS analyses.

The most recent publication that concerns contemporary dance culture is Hillegonda Rietveld’s book-length study entitled This Is Our House: House Music, Cultural Spaces and Technologies (Rietveld, 1998a). Rietveld’s text, published only a matter of weeks before the completion of this thesis, is a comparative ethnography of house music-oriented dance cultures in the United States, the Netherlands and Britain.

I have no argument with Rietveld’s general conclusions, and at points in this thesis I use some of Rietveld’s analysis to back up my own. In particular I suggest that, like Rietveld, the work contained within later chapters of this thesis is "an example of how ethnography can work from the inside out" (Rietveld, 1998a, p.5)¹¹. I am also indebted to Rietveld’s analysis of polymorphous perversity and the loss of language within contemporary dance culture, and I reference Rietveld within the body of this thesis when these concepts are dealt with.

There are however analyses within this thesis that differ from Rietveld’s. This is often a case of a difference in academic and methodological, rather than cultural, referent. For example Rietveld makes extensive use of Baudrillardian theories of disappearance which only briefly appear in this thesis, and when they do, Baudrillard’s eccentric idealism and conventionalism is replaced with a neo-Marxist materialism. In general, it would be fair to suggest that, whereas Rietveld examines Dutch, US and British dance cultures from a post-structuralist perspective indebted to Michel Foucault and Jean Baudrillard, I examine British dance culture (and its televisual representations) from a broadly Marxist perspective.

A further significant difference between my thesis and Rietveld’s book is that my thesis deals with televisual representations of contemporary dance culture, an area that Rietveld entirely ignores. It is also the case that Rietveld, writing in 1995, only takes a cursory look at jungle culture, whilst within chapter 4 of this thesis I argue that jungle is the most significant development within contemporary dance culture since its inception and genesis in the late 1980s.

Miscellaneous other texts

There are many other texts within the field of youth cultural study, but these often lack a central coherence or academic rigour, or are only tentative proposals written as journal articles or as chapters in edited collections. Exceptions include:-

George McKay’s excellent account of ‘counter-cultural movements’ entitled Senseless Acts of Beauty: Cultures of Resistance since the Sixties (McKay, 1996). The chapter on dance culture is particularly interesting, and I engage with McKay’s analysis at various points in this thesis.

George McKay’s edited collection of essays on ‘DiY protest’ entitled DiY Culture: Party and Protest in Nineties Britain (McKay, ed., 1998a).

Phillip Tagg’s essay ‘From Refrain to Rave: the decline of figure and the rise of ground’ in the journal Popular Music. Tagg offers a brief formalist analysis of ‘rave music’, and, like Angela McRobbie, a reading of rave culture through his daughter’s involvement in the scene (Tagg, 1994).

Nicholas Saunders offers a thorough, if somewhat idealistic, analysis of the relationship between dance culture and Ecstasy use in his book entitled Ecstasy and the Dance Culture (Saunders, 1995).

George Melly offers a surprisingly useful analysis of the relationship between what is in effect youth culture and the media in his much-cited Revolt Into Style: The Pop Arts in Britain (Melly, 1970). I refer to Melly in the body of this thesis, looking at how some of Melly’s concerns remain relevant today.

Matthew Collin and John Godfrey offer a very comprehensive journalistic account of the development of contemporary dance culture in Altered State: The Story of Ecstasy Culture and Acid House (Collin and Godfrey, 1997). If the reader of this thesis is a newcomer to contemporary dance culture then this is an excellent introduction, and I cite some of the details meticulously collected by Collin and Godfrey within the body of my thesis.

Outside of the field of youth cultural study, but still of relevance to this thesis is Simon Frith’s ‘Youth/Music/Television’ in the collection edited by Frith, Andrew Goodwin and Lawrence Grossberg entitled Sound and Vision: The Music Video Reader (Frith et al, 1993). Within this chapter Frith examines the various institutional, technological, economic and discursive determinants that led to the creation of the genre of ‘youth television’ in the 1980s. Chapter 4 uses Frith’s analysis as a starting point for a detailed examination of the commissioning of one specific television programme entitled BPM, with chapters 5 and 6 looking at the consumption of BPM within the domestic sphere.

Steyn, M. (1990) ‘Lords of the dance: Mark Steyn, chillin out, pursues his solo career’ in The Independent, 19 October, p.14.

Episode broadcast 23 July 1995.

00.00 Title sequence. With music in an eclectic style (with influences from break beat house and techno) the title sequence contains shots of previous dance floor sequences, with special effects and the BPM logo that appears as a leitmotif throughout the whole programme.

00.25 Introduction. A piece to camera by our hosts Damon Rocheford and Saffron, filmed at the club Legends, Old Burlington Street, London. Throughout 1995 BPM frequently filmed such introductory sequences at a different club from the one featured in the dance floor sequences within that specific programme. During this introduction both Rocheford and Saffron introduce, with inserted clips, those items featured within this specific programme.

00.52 Introductory clips. Short clips from forthcoming interviews.

01.05 Continued introduction. Here the presenters introduce the first clip.

01.12 Dance floor sequence. Filmed at Kellys, Port Rush, Northern Ireland, with DJ Colin Dale playing Access by DJ Misjah (this information is provided on screen). This club features a slightly dated ‘rave’ aesthetic, with music that veers towards German and British Trance. The energetic young clientele (18-25) adopt a hedonistic mode of dance, again directly related to early-1990s’ rave culture, and I would hazard a suggestion that drug consumption in this club was high.

03.24 Introduction to "Video of the Week" with Saffron talking to camera.

03.38 Video of the Week. I’ll Be There For You by Method Man and Mary J Blige.

06.12 Dance floor sequence. Filmed at Swoon, Stafford with DJ Boy George playing and mixing an untitled White Label by Krupolska and Deja Vu by Deja Vu. This club is a more populist almost ‘mainstream’ handbag house club, with a young and apparently relatively affluent clientele (with, I would suggest, a sizeable proportion of students) whose dancing is energetic and sexual. During this sequence the camera frequently lingers on women dancing in a provocative manner, whilst only featuring men dancing when they are accompanied by women, or where their dancing or clothing is particularly extravagant.

09.00 Introduction to interview. Saffron, talking to camera. introducing an interview with "featured artist" Mary Kiani.

09.18 Video clip of When I Call Your Name (Motiv8 mix) by Mary Kiani.

09.30 Interview. Shot of Kiani talking. As with all interviews on BPM the music from the video is decreased in volume and played in the background of the interview. Throughout this sequence, we therefore see and hear three clips from promotional videos related to Kiani’s career, whilst also hearing Kiani and seeing a video, seeing and hearing Kiani talking, and hearing Kiani talking over a video with the video soundtrack in the background. This helps the flow of the sequence as a whole. The precise sequence is as follows.

10.00 Visual and audio from Real Love video by Time Frequency (Kiani’s previous band).

10.20 Interview vocal and Real Love video visuals.

10.29 Interview vocals and visuals with music in background.

10.53 Visual and audio clip from When I Call Your Name by Mary Kiani.

11.14 Interview vocals and visuals with music in background.

11.39 Visual clip from When I Call Your Name with interview vocals.

11.58 Visual and audio clip from When I Call Your Name.

12.07 Interview vocals and visuals with music in background.

12.19 Visual and audio clip from Surrender Your Love by The Nightcrawlers. Interestingly Kiani talks about her personal relationship with the lead singer of The Nightcrawlers. Whether this was prompted by the BPM interviewer we will never know; we do not hear his questions, only her answers.

12.30 Visuals from Nightcrawlers’ video and audio from Kiani interview.

12.38 Interview vocals and visuals with music in background.

13.00 Visual and audio clip from When I Call Your Name.

13.45 Interview vocals and visuals with music in background.

14.04 Short sequence with BPM logo.

14.10 The BPM video chart. The usage of a video chart by BPM is intended to suggest that there were some objective criteria in the selection of videos within each episode. This, however, was not the case with Simon Potter, Executive Producer, stating to me in interview that videos were selected on the basis of the personal preferences of production team. The first clip in the video chart is Captain Dread by Dreadzone.

16.20 Video chart clip from So Whatcha Gonna Do Now by Public Enemy.

18.45 Short outro sequence with BPM logo.

18.52 Advertisements.

20.00 Short intro sequence with BPM logo.

20.07 Dance floor sequence. Filmed at Roseberrys, Hackney, London with the DJ collective The Rampage Crew playing and mixing Voodoo Brown by Voodoo Brown, It’s Yer Birthday by Luke Skywalker, and Lighter by DJ SS. The crowd at this club are without exception, working class, and Afro-Caribbean or Black British. Dancing is in a Jamaican style, with women "winding", a sexually provocative mode of dance involving the vigorous shaking of the body in a low position with legs bent and open. The men featured in this video are, to a certain extent, not demonstrative, remaining ‘cool’ at all times. The camera continually lingers on close up shots of women, with the camera positioned behind the women at or below waist height.

22.35 Introduction to interview. Rocheford, talking to camera, introducing an interview with the band Bandulu.

22.49 Video clip from Changing World by Bandulu. The format of this sequence is similar to the previous interview with Mary Kiani, with the visuals sequence alternating between a video (this time only one video is featured) and the three members of the band (shot in a nightclub setting). The audio track alternates between the music from the video, and a mix of the music from the video in the background and Bandulu answering questions from an interviewer, who is out of sight, and whose questions are not revealed to the audience.

23.13 Interview vocals and visuals with music in background.

23.33 Visual and audio clip from Changing World.

23.50 Interview vocals and visuals with music in background.

24.11 Visual and audio clip from Changing World.

...This process continues, with the visual element alternating between interview and video, and a drop in music volume when we hear and see the interview.

27.40 Visuals from video, audio of music and interview.

27.47 Dance floor Sequence. The second sequence from Swoon, with DJ Boy George playing Play This House by The Bum Bum Club.

30.15 Short sequence with BPM logo.

30.25 Video chart.

30.30 Video clip. Take 5 in the Jungle by Teknicolor.

32.45 Video chart countdown.

32.50 Video chart. Soul Man (X-Mix 4 Version) by Kenny Larkin.

35.29 Short introductory sequence with the BPM logo announcing The BPM DJ.

35.34 Visual shot of DJ Paulette playing white label of Everybody Needs Somebody by Ruffneck featuring Yavahn.

35.48 Interview. Visual and audio of DJ Paulette talking, with Everybody Needs Somebody playing in the background. Here Paulette describes her DJ style, her motivation, how she entered her profession, and what she hopes to achieve in the future.

36.00 Clip of Paulette mixing with two record decks and a mixer.

36.08 Visual and audio of DJ Paulette talking, with Everybody Needs Somebody playing in the background.

36.15 Clip of Paulette mixing with two record decks and a mixer.

...This alternating between Paulette mixing, and her interview, continues.

37.51 Short outro sequence with BPM logo.

37.57 Advertisements.

39.03 Short intro sequence with BPM logo.

39.10 Dance floor sequence. The second sequence from Kellys, with DJ Colin Dale playing Lyrical Bassdrum by Omega Force.

41.50 Introduction to interview. Rocheford introducing an interview with the band D-Influence.

42.03 Video clip of No Illusion by D-Influence.

42.22 Interview. Visual and audio of D-Influence interview filmed with the band seated in an outdoor garden setting. No Illusion music playing in background.

Alternating between interview with music in background and video clips from D-Influence’s No Illusion, Midnight and Waiting.

47.34 Dance floor sequence. The second sequence from Roseberrys with The Rampage Crew playing Feel It by Randall and Andy C.

49.30 Short sequence with BPM logo.

49.36 Video chart countdown.

49.42 Video clip. It’s What’s Upfront That Counts, by Yosh.

52.24 Final piece to camera. Rocheford and Saffron announce the programme of events for the next two episodes, read a letter of request from a viewer, and wish the audience good-bye.

52.30 Dance floor sequence. The third sequence from Kellys, with DJ SY playing and mixing Dreamland by The Max-X-Perience and The Dream by Trance Liner.

54.00 Outro sequence. Credits overlaid on dance floor footage from Kellys, with music.

55.30 Ends.

[dance floor footage]

Nigel: I think most of the people have got a big space around them, because there wasn’t that much room to dance in many of the places; you could find quiet bits, but they tended to be really near the speakers.

Nigel: Saw Stef just there.

Nigel: What shall I do if I spot myself then? Yell?

Nigel: I’m fairly sure I could see someone that I went down with, this really tall chap with glasses. Am I allowed to rewind bits?

Interviewer: Yes.

Nigel: can I just rewind second? Thanks.

Interviewer: press play to start again.

[video clip]

Nigel: Nice Acidic colours on it.

Interviewer: why?

Nigel: why?

Interviewer: yes, why are they nice?

Nigel: Just really vibrant. Disturbing, it makes you want to watch it, ’cos it’s so unreal.

Nigel: I’m a sucker for spirals as well, they’re great!

[dance floor footage]

Nigel: This was a mad tent, so!

Interviewer: But the others look wilder.

Nigel: Yeah, but just for really clashing noise, it was the style of music that they were playing, just loads of people yelling and screaming ’cos it was going mad. No I mean the whole place was really going for it, every tent had loads of people in, and everyone was dancing, there wasn’t any [pause] the only quiet spots were outside the tent. If you were in a tent, you were there to dance, definitely [pause] that’s the right idea.

[interview with Billy Nasty]

Nigel: It’s good that he likes Voodoo. I suppose the way that it is run is quite different from a lot of these events, you know. I reckon they will have a lot more free run in somewhere like Voodoo than certainly going to The Hacienda.

Nigel: Do you reckon this will be his set?

Interviewer: Yes it is.

Nigel: It was in the tent, so.

[dance floor footage]

Nigel: This guy [Carl Cox] can play some good stuff as well. He seems to fit in at quite a few places, ’cos he was playing a kind of technoey thing at, he used to do Angels up in Burnley, so, which was much lighter.

Interviewer: Flyers for clubs where he is playing seem to specify whether he is going to do a house set or a techno set.

Nigel: What he was doing up in Angels was quite light, but he did put some harder tunes in as well.

Interviewer: Do you ever watch BPM?

Nigel: Oh yeah, quite often, ’cos I won’t get in ’til like half three or four, and I like to unwind a bit before I go to bed, I can’t go straight to bed, I wish I could. It makes my whole weekend a lot longer, but I can’t do it!

Interviewer: It actually relaxes you then?

Nigel: Yeah, I find it weird because I would have thought that having been out in a club all night and listening to stuff, that I’d get bored of it, but I don’t at all, I don’t know. You know it’s reasonably informative as well, you get to hear stuff which you might have heard the name of and, I don’t know, I suppose it just comes from being more choosy in my music these day, so if you can go out and just get a gist of what someone is playing you are at a slight advantage for when you go out. There are loads of DJs about really, and you can get just a hint of what they do. I watch it quite regularly, and there’s always some bit of information that I find quite interesting.

[video clip]

Nigel: I can’t cope with this. Who is the sample from, is it the Detroit Spinners or something? [pause] Do you watch it much?

Interviewer: Yes, sometimes I don’t have much choice about it. I video it a lot.

[adverts]

[dance floor footage]

Nigel: This is a weird thing, but a lot of the lads here are going for it more than the women. I don’t know whether that’s something that goes on all round. No it’s not actually because I know quite a lot of women who really go for it.

[interview with Richie Hawtin/Plastikman]

Interviewer: Did you see Plastikman?

Nigel: Yeah, I think I did, I can’t quite remember, he was definitely one of the names that we were trying to get to see. At about 2 o’clock it got a bit messy so I just wandered around and thought, yep that sounds good, great!

[dance floor footage]

Nigel: I like the way they use particular camera tricks, it just spices it up a bit more, it can get a bit boring just looking at people dancing all the time.

[video clip]

Nigel: I presume they’re quite limited with what they can show here, because of what’s available. I think a lot of the smaller record companies, like R&S, Warp, Junior Boys Own, are not going to make videos for the most part, I think if some people are in bands that are determined to get some visual imagery for it, then it will happen, but there is still quite a big culture of starting off by getting a few white labels out, and then if that goes well then they’ll have a run of, I don’t know, one to five thousand records. People like that are not going to make videos, so that’ll limit it. The videos tend to be more of the mainstream ‘souly’ type things, but you can only assume that that is for that reason. The way MTV get around it is showing high-tech videos to accompany stuff that obviously hasn’t got a video with it, that’s one way round it. With this they can show a crowd shot with people dancing to tunes that might not have videos with them, which is probably why you’ll get the more hardcore, less commercially successful things there, that’s where they get their slot. There’s obviously some sort of market for underground stuff, otherwise MTV wouldn’t have Dance Zone where they have about an hour of it where they are just showing one of these new computer fractal videos all the way through it and have a mix of fifteen or twenty techno tracks through it, and maybe some of them have got videos, but I doubt it, because of the finance involved in that kind of stuff. What can you do? You’re working with a set medium in a way. There is a definite style of techno video, and not a lot of people have broken from that. It’s a shame in a way, because I’m sure if people did they’d get more notice for it, but then if you’re not having any lyric on it, then what are they going to go for, landscapes, or techno madness or what? Stuff like this is going to pay the pennies, and keep everyone happy, and I don’t think these programmes could exist at all unless they were showing what is pretty mainstream souly stuff, but it pays the bills, doesn’t it?

[interview with Moby]

Nigel: Saw his set.

Interviewer: Was he good?

Nigel: yeah, all right, it is sort of, I like the stuff where he is going fast, although having said that I like his big tune, the really sombre one. I’ve got this amazing seven inch single of his, which is just like a punk rock record.

[adverts]

[dance floor footage]

Nigel: Serious dancer there! Serious bouncer!

[interview with The Drum Club]

Nigel: I just think this lot are trying to market themselves as Orbital mark 2, just their choice of sounds.

[dance floor footage]

Nigel: What a top geezer!

[interview with The Prodigy]

[dance floor footage]

Nigel: Urgh, a man in his knickers! [pause]Go on smile, you know you want to!

[video clip]

[dance floor footage]

Nigel: I think it is definitely a worthwhile programme, you see it as a bit of a replacement for The Hitman and Her, but they are definitely aiming it at a different market, and I don’t know whether it is because the dance market itself has changed. As they were saying in the programme people like The Prodigy, the underground, has just swelled, because people are accepting that. Hitman and Her was aiming at your ‘Fridays’ and your ‘townie’ night out, and that really has died a death, you know. A lot of the people who were going to that are going to the lighter end of house music, like Cream or The Garage Club or whatever. Maybe the change in music has dictated the change in the way that things are, the programme style. On the whole they manage to put quite a lot of variety of dance music styles within BPM. With a lot of DJs being about, you can’t afford to go and see them all. As I get more fussy in my old age I just get to hear a bit of a DJ.

Bound within the covers of the hard copy of this thesis is a Compact Disc. This appendix contains a brief commentary on each track found on the CD. Technical limitations have prevented the inclusion of all the tracks cited within the body of this thesis. This CD should therefore be viewed as merely an indicative reference to some of the styles of contemporary dance culture mentioned elsewhere in this thesis.

1.Fast Eddie Acid Thunder

(1988, DJ International, Chicago)

A classic piece of acid house from a time when the majority of records played on British dance floors were American in origin. This track is from a time before the homological influence of MDMA and other amphetamine derivatives, when beats per minute hovered around the 120 mark. The high pitched ‘acid line’ is produced by a Roland TB-303.

2.A Guy Called Gerald Voodoo Ray

(1988, Rham Records, Manchester)

The British version of acid house, containing more melody and groove than the jacking Chicago acid track cited above.

3.Joey Beltram Energy Flash

(1990, R&S Records, Gent, Belgium)

From form to style, the homology between Ecstasy and music is complete. Beltram’s Energy Flash not only maintained a rigidly sequenced ‘four-to-the-floor’ beat emphasis, but also contained some distinctively psychedelic melodies and sounds, and a voice that simply exhorted the dancer to "Ecstasy".

4.Flowered Up Weekender

(1992, Heavenly/Columbia, London).

Dance culture’s auto-critique. A sprawling epic that both represents and criticises contemporary dance culture through a mixture of jazz, rock, funk, ambient and house. Note samples from Quadrophenia at the start and end of the track.

5.DJ SS ‘The Intro’ on The Rollers Convention LP

(1994, Formation Records, London, FORM 04)

This track was the essential jungle record of 1994. Despite its melancholic sampling of Beethoven’s Moonlight Sonata, DJ SS’s The Intro retained the aggression and fire of the black London jungle scene, whilst other parts of the country were moving towards ‘ambient’ and ‘intelligent’ styles. A prototype for a later style of jungle that became known as ‘jump up’.

6.Origin Unknown Valley of the Shadows

(1994, RAM Records, Hornchurch, RAMM16CD)

A classic ‘darkside’ track that not only symbolised hardcore’s rejection of ‘four-to-the-floor’, but also formed a blueprint for later styles of jungle. Note the rejection of euphoric lyrics, and the use of ‘dark’ and ‘moody’ chords.

7.Retribution Repetitive Beats - (Mind & Movement Control- On U Sound)

(1994, Sabres of Paradise Records Ltd, London, SRO23RCD)

A track taken from the compilation single entitled ‘Retribution’, released as a protest against the Criminal Justice and Public Order Bill. This single showed that there remained a progressive movement within British dance music production dedicated to a politicisation of dance culture.

8.Slam Positive Education

(1993, Soma, Glasgow)

Whilst rave begat break-beat hardcore and jungle, some within the British dance scene continued with the original techno formula. This track remains a classic within British techno, and is still heard on contemporary dance floors. Note the use of kick drum and snares provided by a Roland TR-909.

9.Josh Wink Higher State of Consciousness (Radio edit)

(1995, Strictly Rhythm, London, FESCD 3)

As suggested in chapter 4, Higher State of Consciousness was one of the most popular dance floor records of 1995. This track is the abbreviated ‘radio edit’ which led British dance culture participants to criticise Josh Wink for ‘selling out’.

10.Technohead I Wanna Be A Hippy

(1995, Mokum, Amstelveen, Netherlands, DB 1770 3)

The classic ‘happy gabber’ track of 1995 which saw an amphetamine-inspired upsurge of beats per minute invade the British music charts. This is all-the-more ironic when considering the fact that the lyrics to this track (a cover version of a track originally recorded by the American group MC5) contain a paean to cannabis consumption. This track also showed that, whilst British dance culture was more and more influenced by break beats, European dance culture (Technohead were a duo based in Amsterdam) continued to use aggressive ‘four-to-the-floor’ beats.

11.Robert Miles Children (Eat Me edit)

(1996, Deconstruction, London, F:BM620)

A track that united both ‘mainstream’ and ‘underground’ clubs throughout 1996. I personally first heard this track at Bugged Out in Manchester on New Year’s Eve 1995. This track is also included on the CD so that the reader can hear the drum pattern provided as an illustration in chapter 4.

John Hartley provides extended definitions of "common sense" and "discourse" in O’Sullivan et al's Key Concepts in Communication and Cultural Studies (O’Sullivan et al, 1994). These definitions are copied verbatim below. When I use the phrase common-sense discourse I am referring to what might be termed a "meta-discourse" on contemporary dance culture, which contains elements of oral discourses, legal discourse, parliamentary discourse and journalistic discourse. For an examination of the ideological nature of the category of common sense see Bennett et al, 1981, and Gramsci, 1971.

The aim of this glossary is to introduce the general reader to some of the key terms, central issues and musical genres found within contemporary dance culture.

Acid house

This phrase is used to describe both a cultural movement and a musical form. Acid house the music is a minimal form of house music that, more than any other form of house, emphasises perfectly sequenced ‘four-to-the-floor’ beats and invariably contains the sound of the Roland TB-303 bass sequencer. Fast Eddie’s Acid Thunder (contained on the CD bound within the cover of this thesis) is a classic example. Acid house the cultural movement began life in London and Manchester in late 1987 and was initially based around small exclusive parties, but soon became synonymous with illegal raves held in a variety of locations throughout the country in 1988-1989. For a further analysis of acid house the cultural movement see Redhead (ed.) (1993a) and Rietveld (1998a).

Alcopops

Non-traditional alcoholic beverages which either taste of very little (‘alcoholic water’), or mask their alcohol content with fruit flavourings (such as Hooch’s ‘alcoholic lemonade’). During 1997 more esoteric alcopops came onto the market, with, for example Speciality Brands marketing an alcoholic milk called ‘Moo’. However, accusations that such drinks were particularly marketed to under-18s led the Portman Group (the alcohol industry’s voluntary watchdog) to call for their withdrawal from sale (see Burell, 1997, and The Independent, 28 August 1997). 1998 saw the alcopop market move away from garish advertising images towards a more ‘sophisticated’ style of advertising and drink as epitomised by ‘Bacardi Breezers’ (white rum with fruit juice flavours).

Ambient/Ambient House

Drawing influence from artists such as Brian Eno, the Yellow Magic Orchestra, and Tangerine Dream, ambient music contains soothing natural noises such as bird song, whale speech, and other aquatic sounds, often laid over the top of a slow break beat or house rhythm.

Ambient music was largely ignored by the mainstream until the acid house and rave culture boom of the late 1980s. Whilst the main dance floors of most raves and acid house clubs invariably played house and acid house, it was in the ‘chill-out rooms’ of such clubs that ambient music could be found. Acclaimed records of this period included The KLF’s Chill Out (1988), The Orb’s A Huge Ever Growing Pulsating Brain that Rules From the Centre of the Ultraworld (1989) and Space by Space, which was a collaboration between The KLF’s Jimmy Cauty and The Orb’s Alex Patterson, an ex-employee of EG (the record company that released Brian Eno’s early ambient records). Whilst some ambient music of this period was implicitly connected with drug culture, The Orb’s record made this connection explicit, with its cover sleeve claim to be "ambient house for the E generation".

During the early 1990s ambient music’s popularity broadened beyond rave culture, although it remained popular with fans of dance music, and was often listened to after a night spent at a club or rave. The natural calming sounds of The KLF (visually symbolised by the photograph of sheep on the cover of Chill Out) became increasingly popular, and many ambient musicians recorded music that, like Chill Out, contained no beats at all.

The samples contained within this style led to criticisms that ambient music had become obsessed with ‘new age’ philosophy and green issues. Some artists began to reject the soporific nature of early ambient music in favour of a more abstract electronic sound. A good example of this move was The Aphex Twin’s Selected Ambient Works Volume Two (1994), which moved away from the serenity of previous ambient music towards a more minimal electronic darkness.

The career of the seminal ambient act The Future Sound of London can also be seen as following the three phases outlined above. Whilst their first single Papua New Guinea (1992) contained natural sounds combined with a dominant house beat, their second single Cascade (1993) was a more dreamy atmospheric sound, whilst their second album ISDN (1995) was more disturbing and abstract.

One sub-genre that has developed within ambient music is ambient dub, which combines the slow rhythm of dub reggae music with the natural and synthesised sounds characteristic of ambient. Again The Orb have been at the forefront of this development with their track Towers of Dub. Following on from this development has been the rise of a hybrid genre entitled ambient jungle. Ambient jungle takes on board the frenetic percussion of jungle, but avoids its aggressiveness through the creative use of strings, ‘pads’ and natural sounds. Artists working within this field include T-Power, LTJ Bukem, Alex Reece and Jacob’s Optical Stairway.

Bootleg

A record that either contains ‘uncleared’ samples, or is an illegal pressing of a previously published record. For an examination of bootlegs and copyright see Rietveld, 1998a, chapter 6.

B.P.M.

Beats Per Minute.

Cheese/cheesy

Either overly commercial or kitsch.

Chill Out/Chilling

Originally this phrase referred to the practice of either taking a break from dancing in a club or rave (in a ‘chill out room’), or resting with others after a dance event (invariably with the aid of cannabis reefers). In the late 1990s this phrase has a cultural currency outside contemporary dance culture, and refers to passing time in a relaxed and restful manner (for example sunbathing could now be described as ‘chilling out’).

Club Culture

The main precursor to the contemporary nightclub was the fifties’ coffee bar. Invariably containing a jukebox full of rock and roll records, the coffee bar became a meeting place for young people in the evenings and at weekends. The first ‘proper’ clubs drew upon a similar clientele. Containing little more than a simple record player, these clubs became the focus point for emergent youth ‘subcultures’ such as mods and teds.

As the ‘R&B’ boom of the early 1960s gathered pace, the ballrooms of the previous generation became venues for dancing to pop and rock and roll music. Of particular importance were those venues in the North of England that played the latest soul music imported from America. ‘Northern soul’ clubs such as The Wigan Casino and The Twisted Wheel in Manchester attracted a clientele who took their dancing very seriously. Often arriving with several changes of clothes, the dancers remained dancing throughout the night until as late as 8 a.m. Legend has it that the air at The Wigan Casino was thick with the smell of liniment and talcum powder, the former used to prevent muscle-strain, and the latter used to prevent the floor from becoming sticky, and thus enabling dancers to spin around on at rapid speeds. Some establishment figures expressed concern at the burgeoning drug culture of the club scene in general, and there is certainly evidence to suggest that amphetamines and other stimulants were used to facilitate all-night dancing.

As pop and rock music became increasingly popular throughout the 1960s, so more clubs were developed. Of particular importance was the rise of the Tamla Motown label whose roster included The Supremes, The Temptations and The Four Tops. It was during this period that a split developed between those venues that employed a band to provide a musical accompaniment to dancing, and those venues who merely played records. The former type of venue has developed into the modern rock venue of today, whilst the latter has developed into what we now generally considered to be a club, a place that plays records and is licensed for dancing. This split has developed into the divide between dance music and rock music that continues to this day.

The early 1970s saw the development of a specific style of club known as the disco or discotheque. Discos subsequently became the dominant form of nightclub in Britain, although specialist clubs that played music drawn from rock genres remained popular. The disco emphasised the other-worldly nature of the club experience, with their disorientating lights, elegant surroundings, and a glamorous clientele. These clubs played soul and the emergent musical form of disco, a form of electronic dance music that emphasised its ‘artificial’ nature. It was during this period that the role of the club DJ became particularly important, with some DJs commanding considerable fees for their ability to transform recorded music through the usage of technology and through mixing two or three records together.

Whilst the disco was the dominant form of club until the mid 1980s, there were exceptions to this rule. The punk rock explosion of the mid 1970s led to the opening of punk clubs in London such as The Roxy and The 100 Club. Spurred on by these developments, punk fans from other cities developed their own scenes. Clubs such as Eric’s in Liverpool were a meeting point for the new generation of musicians who were to become the famous stars of the 1980s. As punk developed into ‘new wave’, the distinction between dance music and rock music was temporarily blurred by the experimental music of British bands such as The Human League, Depeche Mode and New Order.

The arrival of house music in Britain in 1987 led to the birth of the British club culture that we see today. In particular the birth of acid house is seen as a defining moment. Legend has it that the British house club boom was started by a handful of working-class holiday makers who had been clubbing in Ibiza and decided to attempt to replicate the experience during the winter of 1987/8. ‘Balearic’ clubs such as Shoom in London became increasingly popular. It was around this time that the drug Ecstasy was first widely used in Britain.

Although initially centred on London, the acid house scene soon developed elsewhere in the country. Of pivotal importance was The Haçienda club in Manchester, with its resident DJs Mike Pickering and Graeme Park playing American house records to an enthusiastic crowd. As the acid house scene grew, it became apparent that a new type of nightclub was needed. The old discos were perceived to have lost their vitality, and the atmosphere in discos was often spoilt by alcohol-fuelled violence. In the search for new venues, acid house promoters began to use green-field sites, disused warehouses and industrial buildings. This is the origin of raves.

As legislation was brought in to outlaw unlicensed raves, more and more venues were built to accommodate house culture’s move back indoors. The important clubs of the early 1990s were Quadrant Park in Liverpool, Eclipse in Coventry (the first house club to obtain an all-night dancing license), and Shelly’s in Stoke-on-Trent. The early-1990s’ explosion in clubs has been fuelled by an explosion in dance music itself, with a bewildering array of sub-genres entering into the lexicon of contemporary youth culture.

Modern clubs are more popular than ever before. Containing a bewildering array of sound and lighting technologies, they are perceived to be places where young people can escape from the harsh realities of contemporary life and spend a few hours dancing. Most modern clubs are connected to a specific style of dance music such as techno or jungle, and employ ‘guest DJs’, valued for their musical knowledge and technical skills, and who can command thousands of pounds for a few hours work. Also central to the modern club is the resident DJ who can attract a regular clientele who will visit the club every week.

Darkcore/Darkside

A musical precursor of jungle in 1992-3 which emphasised ‘dark’ or ‘moody’ chords, aggressive or upsetting sampled lyrics, and a rough sampled break beat.

Drug Culture

British drug culture has its origins in the youth subcultures of the 1950s and 1960s. Whilst some aficionados of jazz smoked cannabis in order to enhance their enjoyment of music, it was the ‘mod’ scene of the early 1960s that heralded large-scale drug consumption. In particular mods used a variety of legal and illegal drugs to facilitate all-night dancing at mod and Northern soul clubs. Whilst mainstream opinion suggested that drug usage led to dependence, many mods found that they could use drugs recreationally at weekends, with few side effects. However many mods found themselves in difficulty due to the physically addictive nature of the ‘uppers’ that they consumed. This mirrored problems connected to many prescribed drugs at the time, in that doctors were prescribing amphetamine-based compounds for a variety of illnesses including narcolepsy, obesity and respiratory complaints. ‘Amphetamine psychosis’ and other unpleasant side effects led to a decrease in the popularity of these stimulants.

As the mod phenomenon declined in popularity a new youth culture took its place. Within hippy culture, drugs were a central element of the hippy lifestyle. Whereas for mods the use of drugs was functional, in that it allowed them to dance for longer than they had previously been able to, the use of drugs by hippies was connected to their political values. Whereas mod culture was a culture of the ‘weekender’, and most mods held down steady jobs, hippies rejected what they perceived to be the materialism of western culture. In particular hippies took hallucinogenics such as LSD as part of their rejection of the ‘work ethic’ central to mainstream British culture.

Although LSD does not lead to dependence in the same way as many stimulants, it is nevertheless a powerful drug that produces visual and other sensory distortions. In a sense the hippies created what was the first proper ‘drug culture’, in that the consumption of hallucinogenics was central to the everyday lifestyle of the hippy. Many of the media texts that hippy culture spawned were connected to the consumption of LSD. In particular The Beatles’ album Sergeant Pepper’s Lonely Hearts Club Band is said to have been influenced by John Lennon and Paul McCartney’s experimentation with LSD. This connection is made explicit on the track ‘Day in the Life’ with its lyric of "I’d love to turn you on".

As with mod culture, hippy culture suffered problems that were directly connected to drug usage. Although LSD has few physical side effects, it has a disturbing power to alter the mind. Many hippies never mentally recovered from their heavy LSD usage. There were some famous casualties, for instance the singer Syd Barrett left the band Pink Floyd as a result of psychiatric problems, and has never fully recovered.

As the hippy dream lost its potency, so British drug culture declined in popularity. The early 1970s are not connected with any specific drug. Although amphetamines, LSD, cannabis and increasingly heroin were used by many people, a culture did not spring from their usage. Anecdotal evidence suggests that, at the time, many young people were opposed to drug usage, perceiving it to be ‘old-fashioned’ and connected to delinquency.

This changed with the punk rock explosion of the mid 1970s. The aggressive nature of many punks led them to taking amphetamines at punk clubs and concerts. Amphetamine sulphate and other amphetamine derivatives appeared to be ideal drugs for many punks. In particular amphetamines led to aggression, perceived to be a desirable state of affairs by many punks. Central to the punk ethos was a desire for ‘speed’ and alertness, a violent opposition to ‘the establishment’, and a decadent rejection of ‘mainstream’ values. This led many punks to be attracted to drug misuse. Again there were casualties. Solvent abuse in the form of glue sniffing took many young lives. Poly-drug use, the use of more than one drug at any one time, led to other fatalities, including that of Sid Vicious, a leading punk musician with The Sex Pistols.

Towards the end of the 1970s rising unemployment led to a widespread disillusionment within youth culture. With no likelihood of paid employment, and with right-wing attacks on ‘benefit scroungers’, many young people perceived themselves as having no place in British society. This led to an increase in heroin consumption in the early 1980s. Heroin is a different drug to cannabis and LSD in that it is very addictive, and users suffer severe withdrawal symptoms if they are unable to obtain the drug. Whereas amphetamines and, to a lesser extent LSD, can make the drug user outgoing and more communicative, heroin use leads to the individual withdrawing from the world around them. The heroin culture of the 1980s was particularly insular, whilst impurities in illegally imported heroin led to many fatalities.

The widespread drug culture of today has its roots in the shift in drug usage in the late 1980s. In particular rave culture has been credited with a general shift in drug culture away from physically addictive ‘hard’ drugs such as heroin towards the use of ‘soft’ drugs such as Ecstasy and cannabis. Whereas previously drug usage was perceived to be rebellious, anti-social and immoral, contemporary youth culture holds different views. Recent research has shown that up to 50% of young people in certain areas have tried an illegal drug at least once, and some figures suggest that up to 3 million young people use drugs such as Ecstasy. Indeed perhaps contemporary youth culture is not as different to mod culture as may initially appear. The use of Ecstasy and cannabis are said to enhance music and to enable dancing for long periods of time, whilst not affecting the users’ ability to maintain steady employment and function as a ‘normal’ member of society. However, these views are not held by the medical establishment, who suggest that the long-term effects of consuming amphetamines, Ecstasy and cannabis are by no means clear. Whilst some have predicted a softening in societies’ attitudes to drug consumption, these medical uncertainties mean that those drugs that are currently illegal will remain so.

Ecstasy

Originally (late 1980s) MDMA, in the 1990s Ecstasy was used to refer to any pill allegedly containing MDMA or any other MDA derivative. MDMA is both an empathogen, in that it increases the users’ empathy for others, and an ‘entactogen’, making "the skin subtly sensitive, creating a higher sense of tactility" (Rietveld, 1998a, p.181) [check this quotation].

EQ

To ‘equalise’ a piece of music, altering the relative volumes of specific frequency bands.

Four-to-the-floor

This refers to music with a 4/4 time signature that contains a perfectly sequenced kick drum on all four beats of the bar.

Gabber

Also spelt gabba. A form of ‘four-to-the-floor’ house music originating in the Netherlands running at speeds of over 150 b.p.m. with aggressive and violent lyrics, and harsh keyboard ‘stabs’. Rietveld describes the genre as comparable "to hardcore punk: easy to make at home, purely technological, rough and very energetic because of its high tempo" (Rietveld, 1998a, p.86). For an extended analysis of the Dutch gabber scene see Rietveld, 1998a, pp.69-98.

Garage

Originally referring to the music played at the Paradise Garage in New York, Garage now refers to a more soulful and melodic version of house music with female or gospel-oriented vocals.

Goa Trance

Original based in the beach party scene in India, the Goa Trance scene is now international. Goa Trance parties invariably feature visual imagery from Buddhist and other Eastern religions (aided by fluorescent lighting effects), and a form of lighter and sparser trance music (see below).

Gurning

The involuntary stretching of the facial muscles, caused by the use of Ecstasy and other amphetamine derivatives.

Handbag House

A popular and populist form of house music that emphasises a more traditional song format, and usually features female vocals and long snare rolls.

Happycore/4 Beat

A hybrid of happy hardcore and gabber.

Happy Hardcore

A lighter more melodic form of hardcore that frequently contains vocal samples from 1980s pop and soft rock records. The percussion track of happy hardcore records are more often than not sampled break beats (see jungle below).

Hardcore

An aggressive form of techno music that prioritises a fast and drug-induced aesthetic. Hardcore is the favoured music played at British raves.

House

House music was originally developed in the early 1980s by American musicians and DJs such as Frankie Knuckles, Farley Keith, DJ Pierre and Chip-E. Initially house drew influence from up-tempo ‘R&B’ and Salsoul. In particular house DJs took records from these genres and ‘remixed’ them; re-editing them for dance floor consumption, and adding percussion from newly developed drum machines. In particular the American gay scene championed house as ‘its music’, and clubs such as The Sound Factory in New York and Chicago clubs such as The Power Plant and The Gallery 21 became focal points. The term house itself is an abbreviation of the name of The Warehouse club in Chicago, and was used by local record shops to describe the music played there.

British dance culture imported house music in the late 1980s. Influenced by the style of house music played in Ibizan clubs during the summer of 1987, a generation of new DJs and musicians returned from their holidays and set about attempting to recreate the Ibiza club experience back in the United Kingdom. The clubs of the late 1980s that were playing house music included The Haçienda in Manchester, and Spectrum and Shoom in London.

As the influence of house music has spread, it has taken over from disco as the dominant form of British dance music. In musical terms, house can be described as an electronic dance music based on a strict 4/4 time signature, with a sequenced ‘kick’ drum on all 4 crotchet of each bar, at speeds of around 120-130 beats per minute. Melody and vocals are used to break up repetition.

Like contemporary techno (see below), there are now a myriad of different styles of house¹². The sub-genre of ‘handbag house’ appears to be particularly popular on British dance floors. Dance culture’s usage of the word ‘handbag’ started life as a derogatory term for clubs where women danced round their handbags. However, since 1993 it has been used to describe house music that has prominent female vocals, ‘break downs’ (where the kick drum stops, and the track ‘breaks down’, to be built up again), and a proliferation of piano ‘stabs’. ‘Hard house’ is the term used to describe house music with a more aggressive feel to it, and some hard house of the mid 1990s is virtually indistinguishable from techno. Other sub-genres popular on British dance floors include the grand orchestral arrangements of ‘epic house’, the Latin rhythms of Italian house, and the gospel and vocal emphases of ‘garage house’, named after the Paradise Garage club in New York.

Within dance culture, it is frequently the DJs who become more famous than the musicians themselves. The suggestion is that British house DJs such as Sasha, Danny Rampling and Jeremy Healy are the 1990s equivalent to the rock star. House music fans also have affinities with particular clubs, and often travel hundreds of miles to visit their favourite club. Popular house clubs in Britain at the moment include The Ministry of Sound in London, Wobble in Birmingham, and Cream in Liverpool.

Jungle/Drum and Bass

A British musical genre that developed out of the ‘hardcore’ music played at British raves. Jungle (or in its more minimal and discursively ‘white’ form of drum and bass) eschews the ‘four-to-the-floor’ beat emphasis of house and techno, favouring ‘break beats’ either sampled from old funk and hip-hop records, or programmed through the use of software such as Steinberg’s Cubase. A typical jungle track consists of a frenetic high-hat percussion track at around 320 beats per minute, a second percussion track at around 160 beats per minute, and an irregular and shifting bass-line at around 80 beats per minute. Jungle has become the dominant form of ‘inner-city music’ within British society, and it is often suggested that jungle is the first black British musical genre.

Mix

‘To mix’ is to mix two or three records together through the use of two or more turntables and an electronic mixer.

Ragga

A hybrid musical sub-genre that takes the deep bass-lines of Jamaican reggae and dub reggae and combines them with the break beats and aggressive vocals of American hip-hop. From the phrase ‘raggamuffin’.

Rap/Hip-H op

A musical genre originating from the United States, that contains sampled break beats and distinctive vocals. Originally termed rap, this musical genre was initially premised on its overtly-political lyrics, although in its fifteen-year history there have been a variety of sub-genres including ‘gangsta rap’ and ‘daisy-age rap’. The most well-known political rap act is Public Enemy, whose late-1980s’ albums are considered to milestones both in terms of their musical structure, and in terms of the uncompromising message that they sent to urban blacks in the US. An example of ‘daisy-age rap’ (a more melodic and psychedelic form) is De La Soul’s Three Feet High and Rising album, whilst an example of a ‘gangsta rap’ (a controversially violent and misanthropic form) is the group NWA (Niggaz With Attitude).

Raves

Raves have their origin in the ‘second summer of love’ in 1988. Initially held in the North of England in disused Victorian mills and warehouses, and on green-field sites within the M25 motorway surrounding London, raves were all-night parties at which was played a mixture house, acid house, techno, disco and hip-hop. Early raves were characterised by the easy-going nature of those who attended. However, the use of Ecstasy at these parties meant that they attracted the attention of both drug dealers and the police. In order to prevent a rave being shut down, organisers opened up special telephone lines for ravers to ring on the night of an event for information as to the time and location of the rave. Often convoys of ravers would form on the M25 and those roads heading towards towns in Lancashire and Cheshire.

Police objections to raves initially led to mass arrests, and in 1990 to the Entertainments (Increased Penalties) Act. This legislation meant that ‘unofficial’ raves and parties were outlawed. As a consequence of this rave organisers hired nightclubs and outdoor venues for raves. Clubs such as Quadrant Park in Liverpool, The Haçienda in Manchester, and Shelly’s in Stoke-on-Trent were at the forefront of these developments. Whilst the music of early raves was an eclectic mix of styles, the early 1990s saw the arrival of ‘hardcore’ rave music, a more aggressive form of dance music characterised by high-pitched female vocals, fast beats and ‘hoover’ noises. Some more commercially oriented rave records reached the official top 40, for instance N-Joi’s Anthem and The Prodigy’s Charly.

The rave scene of the mid 1990s is a very different one to that of the late 1980s. Outdoor raves are now extremely lucrative events that attract a younger crowd than the ‘semi-legal’ events of the 1980s. Organisers such as United Dance, Evolution, and Dreamscape hold all-night events attended by up to 25,000 ravers who are often prepared to travel hundreds of miles to attend such events. The music played at the raves of the mid 1990s is gabber, happy hardcore and jungle.

Despite the commercialisation of rave in the early 1990s, some promoters continue to organise illegal raves. ‘Sound systems’ such as Desert Storm, Sativa, Exodus and DiY organise secret parties at secluded country locations. Information about such parties is usually spread by word of mouth, or occasionally through the internet. People who attend such events are usually older than those at legal raves.

Ravers

Those who attend raves. Ravers often wear fluorescent clothing, white gloves and carry luminous ‘glow sticks’ that are waved whilst dancing. The rave scene appears to be more popular in Scotland than in the rest of the United Kingdom, with organisers such as Rezerection frequently selling out massive venues. The clubs at the forefront of English rave culture include The Drome in Merseyside and Kinetic in Stoke-on-Trent. Whilst there has been some concern about the growing drug culture associated with raves, drug usage at raves appears to be no greater than at discos and other clubs.

Remix

To take a piece of music and alter its sound and structure through the use of computer technology in order to produce a different, yet similar, track. A remix is often completed by a band or DJ who did not originally produce the track. Remixes are often seen by major record labels as a way of increasing the ‘underground credibility’ of an established ‘mainstream’ artist.

Rushing

A sudden rush of energy and euphoria caused, generally, by an amphetamine derivative.

Sample/Sampler

To record a snatch of music, store it in computer memory or disk, edit it, and replay it back. So, for example, a kick drum sound found on one record, and a keyboard ‘riff’ on another, will be sampled and used as the backbone of a new track.

Speed

Any amphetamine derivative, but usually refers to amphetamine sulphate.

Superclubs

Any of the major British clubs. This phrase originating during the time specific British club promoters began to organise ‘club tours’ (visiting other venues with DJs and visual artists in tows), and sell clothing, records, and other dance cultural paraphernalia (with their club logo prominently displayed).

Techno

A form of electronic music that has its origins in house music. Whilst the gay club scene of Chicago developed the distinctive 4/4 beat of house music, it was Detroit who took this blueprint and developed a harder more electronic music that became known as techno. It was the development of ‘MIDI’, a way of connecting synthesisers, samplers and computers, that enabled the genre of techno to be developed.

The musicians Juan Atkins, Derrick May and Kevin Saunderson are credited with developing the techno sound, although bands such as Tangerine Dream, Parliament, Depeche Mode, Can, and in particular Kraftwerk, are said to be central influences. Techno eschews the melody and vocals of house music, whilst emphasising synthesised artificial sounds. Whilst house music continues to draw influence from genres such as soul, funk and jazz, techno is perceived to be more of a ‘pure’ genre based around a strict technological aesthetic. Connected to this aesthetic are developments in computer graphics and the computer network known as the internet. Many techno acts incorporate these new technologies into their live performances, with, for instance, bands such as The Grid using sound-generated computer graphics as a visual accompaniment to their music.

The music played in British techno clubs is particularly diverse, although British DJs often become known for playing one particular style of techno. At one end of the spectrum is ‘hardcore’, an aggressive techno sub-genre that reaches the improbable tempo of 200 beats per minute. This form of techno is particularly popular at raves. At the other end of the spectrum is a techno more akin to ambient music, with slow beats, and gentle harmonies. In-between these two extremes lie a bewildering array of sub-genres that often originate from a particular city, region or country. Within the American techno that is popular in Britain, the sound of Chicago is based on a heavily rhythmic percussion, whilst Detroit techno has a raw, minimal feel. Dutch techno, or gabber, is popular in Scotland, and is renowned for its speed and the violent imagery of its lyrics. Techno from Germany, Israel and Goa is particularly popular in London trance clubs such as Return to the Source. British-produced techno appears to draw influence from a variety of global sources. Artists such as Dave Clarke appear to be highly influenced by the original Detroit sound, whilst bands such as Orbital and Underworld have an affinity with European trance.

In Britain at the moment techno is generally played at either large outdoor raves or in small specialist clubs. Those clubs at the forefront of the British techno scene include Voodoo in Liverpool, Bugged Out in Manchester, Beyond The Final Frontier in London and Pure in Edinburgh.

Trainspotting/Trainspotters

Avid music fans who, as legend would have it, memorise the catalogue numbers of their favourite tracks.

Trance

A highly synthesised form of techno music that emphasises layers of keyboard sounds and contains few lyrics. Often contains sounds originally produced by 1970s’ analogue synthesisers. For a more detailed examination see Whiteley, 1997, pp.141-2 (also see definition of techno above).

White Label

Originally a test-pressing of a record, now any small-scale pressing of a record that avoids the expense of providing cover art or a printed label in the middle of the record.

303

The Roland TB-303 bass sequencer that produced acid house’s trademark bass ‘squelch’.

909

The Roland TR-909 drum machine. The dominant drum sound of contemporary house and techno.

1.In Henry Mayhew’s London Labour and the London Poor (Mayhew, 1968) we find sightings of the new phenomena of youth, with Andrew Tolson suggesting that the reason Mayhew is so important in the history of youth culture studies is that his work takes place within "the formation of a particular kind of social perspective, a ‘sociological gaze’" (see Tolson, 1990). Whilst rejecting the continuum that Tolson suggests between these Victorian subcultures and the subcultures of the post-World War II period, I do accept Tolson’s suggestion that there is a discursive formation in the mid-19th century that codifies and stratifies social concerns on youth, making them visible. The result of this discourse is firstly journalistic accounts such as Mayhew’s (published in 1851) and then the ‘opening up’ of sociology to include the study of youth. This does not mean that there were not earlier concerns regarding young people; merely that these concerns were not, and could not, be documented, certainly not before the rise of the ‘sociological gaze’ epitomised by Mayhew’s style of urban ethnography.

2.A further example of a 1950s’ analysis of youth is Delinquent Boys, The Culture of the Gang (Cohen, 1955).

3.Such views are also typical of other professional discourses on youth, and common-sense discourse. The back cover of The Unattached (the results of a three-year project completed by the National Association of Youth Clubs) contains the following paragraph:

4.See, for example, Redhead, 1995, p.37.

5.At this point it is worth noting that Corrigan and Frith suggest that "youth culture is non-political because it has been defined that way" (Corrigan and Frith, 1975, p.232).

6.Stanley Cohen also published an essay entitled ‘Breaking out, smashing up and the social context of aspiration’ in the CCCS journal Working Papers in Cultural Studies (Cohen, 1974). Steve Redhead (see below) traces the influence of Stanley Cohen’s work on what was to become Hall et al’s Policing The Crisis (see Redhead, 1995, p.35, and Hall et al, 1978). It is fair to say that, without the work of Stanley Cohen, the CCCS approach to the study of youth culture would have looked very different indeed.

7.Mike Brake makes this division explicit in his suggestion that there are "two approaches in the CCCS analysis: one to uncover the relations of subcultures and class, the other to unravel the meanings of style and fashion; one looks at signs, the other at signifiers" (Brake, 1985, p.68).

8.The back cover of Sarah Thornton’s Club Cultures: Music, Media and Subcultural Capital (Thornton, 1995) makes this point explicit, albeit in an ironic manner, by citing a review in The Times Higher Education Supplement; "Club Cultures... will be of great use to anyone trying to find out whatever happened to youth culture since the heady days of Dick Hebdige as long ago as 1979" (Thornton, 1995, back cover). Thornton’s book is dealt with below.

9.I feel particularly indebted to the circular structuring of Redhead’s texts themselves. The end-of-the-century party starts with a "‘post’-script" and ends with "the absolute non-end" (see Redhead, 1990), whilst Unpopular Cultures starts with the last chapter that Redhead delivered to his publishers. Redheads’ books have strong central narratives but in reading and re-reading them one gets the impression that these narratives are not linear but, as Redhead suggests, circular (and possibly anti-clockwise). It was the structures of The end-of-the-century party and Unpopular Cultures that led me to include in the dedication page of this thesis a reference to the closing credits of the promotional video/short film Weekender, and led me to end the final chapter of this thesis with a transcription of the opening scene of the same video/film. As the title of chapter 2 of The end-of-the-century party suggests "It all comes round again?" (Redhead, 1990, p.27).

10.Redhead’s most recent work, Subculture to Clubcultures: An Introduction to Popular Cultural Studies (Redhead, 1997), contains a diverse collection of predominantly journalistic articles concerning Redhead’s joint loves of football and youth culture. Whilst these articles might be of interest to the reader of this thesis, they break no new theoretical ground and I have therefore not included an analysis of them within this literature review.

11.A comparison can also be made with the Mass Observation projects of the 1930s. Gary Cross explains why they used a variety of methods that could be seen to be ethnographic;

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